Benjamin Netanyahu wanted Israelis to come away with a distinct impression: In his nation’s hour of peril, he is the only Prime Minister who can lead it on the world stage. In a joint address to Congress on Wednesday, the Israeli premier fought for his political life and proclaimed Israel’s war in Gaza as a struggle for its own survival.
In a stirring speech, Netanyahu defended Israel’s offensive against Hamas, the terrorist group that stormed southern Israel and massacred roughly 1,200 people; he excoriated the millions of protestors who have accused Israel of war crimes and called for an end to its military campaign; he asked lawmakers to supply more military aid to the Jewish state; and he laid out a vision, however vaguely, for a post-war Gaza.
It was a highly choreographed political performance. For Netanyahu, a shrewd salesman of himself, it was a chance to convince his countrymen that he can best manage the U.S.-Israel relationship. To that end, he argued that the United States has a stake in Israel’s war. “This is not a clash of civilizations,” he said. “It’s a clash between barbarism and civilization.” By fighting Hamas, he added, Israel was weakening Iran, an avowed U.S. enemy. “America and Israel must stand together,” Netanyahu said. “When we stand together something very simply happens. We win, they lose.”
For many Americans, it’s not so simple. Roughly 70 congressional Democrats boycotted the speech, an uptick from the 58 who skipped Netanyahu’s 2015 address lambasting the Iran nuclear deal, the last time Netanyahu accepted a backdoor invitation from a Republican speaker against the wishes of a Democratic president. Given that Vice Presidents often preside over joint sessions of Congress, the most conspicuous absence was Kamala Harris, the presumptive Democratic presidential nominee; she’s expected to meet with Netanyahu on Thursday. Some found other ways to express dissent. Rep. Rashida Tlaib of Michigan, the only Palestinian-American member of Congress, held a sign that said “War Criminal” as Netanyahu was speaking.
But while Netanyahu was making a plea to Washington lawmakers, his most important audience was back home. His cratering poll numbers—he holds a 32% approval rating—and shrinking war-time cabinet have elevated the possibility of new elections. Roughly 72% think Netanyahu should resign over the Oct. 7 massacre, according to one poll, but are split on the timing: 44% say he should step down immediately, 28% say when the war ends. Given that vulnerability, Netanyahu is hoping that a rousing speech in D.C. could shore up his support in Israel. At the same time, it adds to his historical stature: Wednesday was his fourth address to Congress, surpassing Winston Churchill’s record for the most of any foreign leader.
Netanyahu had other reasons too. With Donald Trump leading in most national polls, he has embarked on a mission to repair his damaged relationship with the former President. The two have not spoken since Trump left office. In an April interview, Trump told TIME he had a “bad experience” with Netanyahu, pointing to a U.S. operation to assassinate a top Iranian general that was supposed to be a joint attack until Netanyahu backed out. He also blamed Netanyahu for failing to prevent Hamas’s infiltration of Israel. “Bibi Netanyahu rightfully has been criticized for what took place on October 7,” he said. “It happened on his watch.”
In his speech, Netanyahu thanked Trump for “all the things he did for Israel” as President, such as recognizing Jerusalem as its capital and moving the U.S. embassy there. He condemned his assassination attempt, saying he was relieved Trump “emerged safe and sound from that dastardly attack on him, that dastardly attack on American democracy.” On Friday, Netanyahu will meet with Trump at his Mar-a-Lago club in Florida.
Outside of the House chamber, Washington was beset by mass protests. Law enforcement closed the streets surrounding the Capitol as thousands demonstrated against Netanyahu, demanding an end to the war that has killed roughly 39,000 Palestinians, according to the Hamas-run Gaza Health Ministry, which does not distinguish between civilians and combatants. Police deployed pepper spray on some in the crowd.
The scene was reminiscent of last spring, when pro-Palestinian protestors occupied American college campuses. Netanyahu castigated the protestors as siding with the Hamas terrorists who murdered innocent Israelis and committed acts of barbarism such as rape. “These protesters stand with them,” he said. “They should be ashamed of themselves,” calling them “Iran’s useful idiots.” The moment revealed fault lines on Capitol Hill: Republicans rose to their feet and cheered while most Democrats stayed in their seats.
Netanyahu’s biggest request was for the U.S. to fast-track a new batch of military aid, saying it would hasten Israel’s ability to finish the war and prevent a broader Middle East conflict. Many in Israel worry the Jewish state needs more assistance before the U.S. election but won’t get it. While most members of Congress are pro-Israel, Republicans have become increasingly isolationist—with a large faction wanting to eschew foreign entanglements—and many Democrats remain critical of Israel’s war effort. “I know that America has our back,” Netanyahu said. “I thank you for it—all sides of the aisle.”
Addressing one of the most salient concerns for diplomats, Netanyahu outlined the contours of Israel’s end-game, what he called a “demilitarized and de-radicalized Gaza” that would allow Israel to maintain security control of the coastal enclave without resettling any of its own civilians there. Netanyahu provided few details about how he would manufacture that outcome, or whether Palestinians and the Arab world would accept it. “Gaza should have a civilian administration that does not seek to destroy Israel,” he said. “That’s not too much to ask.”
Such a declaration is unlikely to appease the Biden Administration, who have said the war should result in the establishment of a sovereign Palestinian state. Nor will it quell the ongoing progressive revolt against the Israeli government. But for Netanyahu, it was the message he believes will resonate in Israel, where voters may soon decide his fate.